这个杂志应该是《外交官》;具体的可以去杂志铺上面咨询订阅。希望能有帮助
Diplomat 政治里只用这一个,英文报刊常见。
搜索了半天,竟然没找到。怀疑是国人搞出来的乌有先生网站。日文谷歌上没有,国内只有转载,没有原地址链接!基本上都是转了几次的东西,国内的网络新闻真让人信不过!
diplomat 外交家 外交官 minister 外交公使
这个杂志应该是《外交官》;具体的可以去杂志铺上面咨询订阅。希望能有帮助
1891年2月5日,罗斯柴尔德家族和英国的其他一些银行家成立了秘密组织“圆桌会议集团”,美国也建立了相应的组织,牵头的就是摩根家族。第一次世界大战以后,美国的“圆桌会议集团”更名为“外交协会”(Council on Foreign Relation),英国的改为“皇家国际事务研究所”(Royal Institute of International Affairs)。美英两国政府的许多重要官员就是从这两个协会中被挑选出来的。 美国外交关系协会(Council on Foreign Relations),又译美国外交协会、美国外交理事会。是美国政府重要智囊团。成立于一九二一年(CFR History),是美国东部权势集团的对外政策宣传与研究机构,历史悠久,影响颇大。由该协会主办的《外交事务》杂志曾刊登过乔治·凯南、基辛格和斯坦利·霍夫曼等美国知名外交家、国际政治学者的论文。现会员有3300名,现任主席是理查德·哈斯。
A 160-YEAR TRADITIONSince 1857, The Atlantic has been challenging assumptions and pursuing WHO WE AREAs we reflect on our past and look toward the future—in a world where ideologically narrow or simple answers are less adequate, and can even be more destructive, than ever—we decided to put to words a handful of ideas we thought represented authentic guiding commitments for us and to our Look for the truth above looking for a We know great storytelling is part of great But honest reporting and analysis, and the integrity they represent, are what matter most to us, even if their pursuit requires giving up on an alluring Continue to explore rather than imagining we’ve Certainty can be comforting, but it can also get in the way of For us, the end of every story or argument should be the beginning of a conversation, and the end of every conversation the beginning of another—or even another story or Go beyond what happens to what We see it as part of our job to help keep our audience up-to-date on the most important news and current events across the United States and around the But the bigger part of our job is to work out—through reporting, argument, and debate—what that news means now, and what it could mean for the Embrace a diversity of No story is ever complete, no argument is ever perfect, and debates worth having tend to shift and turn more than they So we can never rely on a single point of view, or even on a “balance” of Important ideas, observations, points, and counterpoints can come from anywhere—from across the political spectrum—so we have to look everywhere for Immerse ourselves, and our audience, in the world—instead of escaping from People are connected today in ways they’ve never been before, through established media, new media, social media, or But these kinds of connection have also balkanized, filtered, alienated, and inspired retreat—into private concerns, into entertainment, into ideological comfort zones, and so We want to connect with the world by fully engaging with it, and with people who see it differently from how others see Our hope is that these commitments orient us in a way that not only is genuine for The Atlantic, but that helps us be as meaningful as possible to you in your life, and as good a force as possible for the world around WHERE WE COME FROMWhen the founders of The Atlantic gathered in Boston in the spring of 1857, they wanted to create a magazine that would be indispensable for the kind of reader who was deeply engaged with the most consequential issues of the The men and women who created this magazine had an overarching, prophetic vision—they were fierce opponents of slavery—but they were also moved to overcome what they saw as the limits of partisanship, believing that the free exchange of ideas across ideological lines was crucial to the great American Their goal was to publish the most urgent essays, the most vital literature; they wanted to pursue truth and disrupt consensus without regard for party or Here is the mission statement published in the very first issue of The Atlantic, in November 1857, and signed by many of the greats of American letters, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Herman Melville, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Nathaniel Hawthorne:First: In Literature, to leave no province unrepresented, so that while each number will contain articles of an abstract and permanent value, it will also be found that the healthy appetite of the mind for entertainment in its various forms of Narrative, Wit, and Humor, will not go uncared The publishers wish to say, also, that while native writers will receive the most solid encouragement, and will be mainly relied on to fill the pages of The Atlantic, they will not hesitate to draw from the foreign sources at their command, as occasion may require, relying rather on the competency of an author to treat a particular subject, than on any other claim In this way they hope to make their Periodical welcome wherever the English tongue is spoken or Second: In the term Art they intend to include the whole domain of aesthetics, and hope gradually to make this critical department a true and fearless representative of Art, in all its various branches, without any regard to prejudice, whether personal or national, or to private considerations of what kind Third: In Politics, The Atlantic will be the organ of no party or clique, but will honestly endeavor to be the exponent of what its conductors believe to be the American It will deal frankly with persons and with parties, endeavoring always to keep in view that moral element which transcends all persons and parties, and which alone makes the basis of a true and lasting national It will not rank itself with any sect of anties, but with that body of men which is in favor of Freedom, National Progress, and Honor, whether public or In studying this original mission statement, we came to understand that its themes are The core principles of the founders are core principles for us: reason should always guide opinion; ideas have consequences, sometimes world-historical consequences; the knowledge we have about the world is partial and provisional, and subject to analysis, scrutiny, and MILESTONESFEBRUARY 1862Julia Ward Howe’s “Battle Hymn of the Republic” makes its first public appearance, on the front page of The AAPRIL 1862Ralph Waldo Emerson, in “American Civilization,” calls for the emancipation of slaves, and praises President Abraham Lincoln for his principled moves in that APRIL 1870Anna Harriette Leonowens publishes “English Governess at the Siamese Court,” her memoir of her time in Siam, which is later fictionalized by Margaret Landon as Anna and the King of Siam—and, in 1951, turned into the hit musical The King and IAUGUST 1897W E B Du Bois, in “The Strivings of the Negro People,” introduces his idea of the African American's experience of “double consciousness,” setting in motion a conversation on race and identity that continues AUGUST 1897In the same issue, John Muir argues passionately, in “The American Forests,” for the central role federal government must play in the preservation of nature, later inspiring President Theodore Roosevelt to establish the National Park SAUGUST 1915The magazine publishes “The Road Not Taken,” which Robert Frost had given to then-editor Ellery Sedgwick as a handwritten AUGUST 1932Far ahead of her time, Helen Keller, in the form of humorous Depression-era business advice-giving, encourages more men to do housework in “Put Your Husband in the K”JULY 1945In “As We May Think,” Vannevar Bush writes one of the most influential think pieces in modern technological history, offering the first vision of what would decades later become hypertext—a building block of email and the World Wide WAPRIL 1963The Atlantic publishes Martin Luther King J’s “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” then titled “The Negro Is Your Brother,” for the first time nationally, a document that would serve as one of the defining texts of the civil-rights MARCH 1982James Q Wilson and George L Kelling publish “Broken Windows,” which would go on to—for better and for worse, some might argue—define the next three decades of criminology, and continues to remain influential, and hotly debated, SEPTEMBER 1990Bernard Lewis writes his hallmark essay, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” presaging the rise of Islamic NOVEMBER 2002With uncanny prescience, and against the tide of much popular opinion, James Fallows projects, in “The Fifty-First State?”—published six months before the start of the Iraq War—that “the day after a war ended, Iraq would become America’s ”JULY/AUGUST 2013Anne-Marie Slaughter reframes the gender-and-work debate with “Why Women Still Can’t Have It All,” arguing that true equality entails sweeping policy JUNE 2014In “The Case for Reparations,” Ta-Nehisi Coates argues that America must “reckon” with its “compounding moral debts,” sparking international debate on how governments and citizens should confront systemic injustice, both past and MARCH 2015Graeme Wood, in “What ISIS Really Wants,” offers a sweeping, in-depth analysis of the terrorist organization’s motivations and worldview, and his arguments find their way into both the White House and popular
顾维钧,他在近代很有名。被誉为民国第一外交家,1919和1921年代表中国参加了巴黎和会与华盛顿会议,在巴黎和会上,就山东的主权问题据理力争,以出色的辩论才能阐述中国对山东有1945年6月,出席旧金山会议,参加《联合国宪章》起草工作并代表中国在《联合国宪章》上签字。其后任国民党政府驻联合国代表。不容争辩的主权,为维护中华民族的权益作出了贡献。周恩来,他的事迹很多,比较著名的象提出 求同存异,和平共处五项基本原则
美国常务副国务卿舍曼的东亚行刚刚开始,据美媒报道,舍曼目前正在东亚进行访问,首站为日本,此后还将前往韩国和蒙古国。同时,舍曼将成为拜登政府就任后到访中国的最高级别官员。在舍曼访华消息公布前,美国国务院发言人普赖斯当地时间20日在例行记者会上表示,“我们已经明确表示,在中国问题上,将在符合我方利益的情况下进行接触,我们仍然有兴趣以实用性、实质性和直接的方式展开接触。”同时,普莱斯声称,她将“从实力的地位出发”飞往中国会谈。值得注意的是,这句“从实力的地位出发”,并不让人陌生。今年3月,在安克雷奇中美高层战略对话中,美国国务卿布林肯就曾对杨洁篪委员、王毅外长讲过,当时杨洁篪掷地有声地回应道:“你们没有资格在中国的面前说,你们从实力的地位出发同中国谈话。”杨洁篪强调:“二十年前、三十年前你们就没有这个地位讲这个话,因为中国人是不吃这一套的。”对此,中国外交部发言人赵立坚23日指出:美方一再扬言从实力地位出发与中方对话,这反映出美方的傲慢和霸道。正如中方一再指出,美方没有资格对中国说教或指手画脚,没有资格说“从实力地位出发与中国打交道”。我们在安克雷奇不吃这一套,在天津更不会吃这一套。中方始终认为中美关系应当基于相互尊重和平等互利,而非一方受益。中美关系发展是要有护栏的,但护栏不能由美方单方面定义。美方停止干涉中国内政,停止污蔑抹黑中国,停止损害中方利益,才是中美关系真正的护栏
其实每个人都不一样啊,那么他们4个外交官的翻译官那么个个都是生活在很有文化的家庭里面,而且从小都接受非常好的一种教育,父母都是从国外回来的,所以他们的成长都不一样。
宋庆龄 周恩来
当代我国外交面临的机遇与挑战 当今社会,世界经济与科技迅猛发展,国际局势正在变化和调整,快速崛起的中国日益成为影响世界的重要因素,中国的外交面临着难得的机遇,但是,面对如此复杂的局势,中国外交又面临着很多问题与挑战 全球金融危机已经过去数年,世界经济保持温和复苏势头,总体上走出了金融危机的阴影。经济开始逐渐步入正轨,但世界经济依然在继续调整之中,不确定、不稳定因素依然很多,国际金融体系的改革还未取得令人满意的实质性进展。 与此同时,国际力量板块正在发生新的变化。美国等一些发达国家地位下滑,中国、印度、巴西等一批新兴国家加速兴起,不仅充当了世界经济复苏的主要引擎,甚至成为西方解危脱困和解决问题的借助对象。如二十国峰会地位的凸显,也反映了这一变化。新旧力量的相互挤压碰撞,令国与国之间关系变得更加复杂。 为应对这种局面,增强自己的国际竞争力,各大国都在对外战略和政策方面做出新的调整。比如美国主办G20金融峰会;为缓解国内的经济压力,强迫中国人民币升值;采用各种贸易保护主义措施,确保美国的经济利益;更注重推动多边外交。而其它各大国鉴于这些变化,也纷纷调整各自的对外战略。如英国继日本之后,也提出了要与美国建立“不盲从的”同盟关系。这些对外战略的调整,无疑为世界局势增加新的变数。 在国际和地区安全方面,当前安全形势总体上仍然保持缓和,虽然目前大国间发生战争的可能性不大,但因民族、宗教、恐怖主义、核扩散、陆海边界、能源、粮食、互联网纠纷、气候灾害等所引发的问题明显增加,成为考验中国外交应对能力的重大挑战。 在这些背景下,中国成功抵御了国际金融危机的冲击,在世界经济中的份量进一步上升。经济总量已超过日本,成为世界第二大经济体,在政治舞台上也有不俗表现。但是,随着中国地位和影响的迅速增大,各种外部阻力与压力也随之增加。“中国威胁论”不断出现。一些大国对我国明显的战略敌意和恶意中伤,使我国面临更多的麻烦和事端。如近期南海主权争端表面化和复杂化,美国的介入便是重要原因。中国的崛起也引起一些周边国家的疑虑和防范心态,使我国周边环境出现不稳定因素。象钓鱼岛等问题上,与日本等国的争端都呈现加剧之势。而且,随着国际对我国的期待大大上升,这要求中国在国际事务中承担更多的国际责任,这使我国压力明显加大,我们必须学会平衡。 面对我国国际地位变化和国际形势发展带来的挑战和机遇,我国以更主动的姿态展开全方位外交,积极活跃在国际舞台上。如积极开展峰会外交、世博奥运外交;稳定和发展同主要大国、发展中国家和周边国家的关系;积极承担国际义务,维护了总体有利的外部环境, 发挥了一个负责任的大国的作用。
美国G2和“中美国”的概念出笼后,美国国内首先出现了反对之声。著名的《外交》杂志刊出题为“G2的海市蜃楼”的文章,表示承认中国的重要性无法掩盖双方利益、价值观和能力的错位。虽然美国需要与中国合作以应对全球挑战,但进一步提升双边关系而不解决两国的实际分歧不会有什么结果,最终将形成互相责备而不是成功的伙伴关系。美国前助理国务卿阿布拉莫维茨在美国《国家利益》杂志上撰文表示,G2的模式很可悲,其结果可能为美国的盟友日本带来致命一击,从而在日本国内引起危险的政治后果;而美日中三边机制要优于G2。总统候选人麦凯恩也表示:“我们强烈支持类似G20的会议,让所有国家都参与非常重要。”美国的盟友们对此也议论纷纷。欧盟官员表示更推崇将欧盟包括在内的G3而不是G2;法国法国前总理法比尤斯说:“现在一些圈子流行所谓的G2,指的是由美中组成的共管,将能解决所有问题。坦率地说,这完全是幻想。”欧盟丹麦政府亚洲事务高级顾问普莱斯纳在美国华盛顿战略与国际研究中心太平洋论坛上发表文章,认为“G2对中国和全球治理都不利”;欧中论坛创办者高斯也撰写了题为“G2不符合复杂现实”的文章。日本日本《产经新闻》在题为“G2理论是否成立”的文章中说,G2招来了众多的反对之声,虽然美国和中国的关系的确重要,但如果把美中关系称为G2,就会深深伤害美国与日本、印度等其他亚洲盟国和友好国家的关系。俄罗斯而俄罗斯科学院远东研究所的专家瓦西里·卡申更是坦言,中国拥有的大量美元储备让美国人暂时看到了贷款的希望,但随着危机的加深,中美两国在经济和地缘政治上的分歧就会明显暴露出来。美国与中国不可能建立同盟,美国只是想利用中国来遏制俄罗斯。
互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不侵犯、互不干涉内政、平等互利、和平共处五项原则。 一直是我国现阶段的外交政策, 但近期变化的国际形势及有关国家的围堵都对中国外交提出了严峻挑战,2010年冬季从10月29日至11月8日起,美国国务卿希拉里相继访问了越南、柬埔寨、马来西亚、巴布亚新几内亚以及新西兰与澳大利亚。突然如此密集的访问亚太地区国家,让人不得不担心这访问背后所隐藏的外交威胁。 也有观察家因此发出警告—在美国日益活跃的亚洲外交压力之下,中国周边外交数十年来构筑的基础,很可能功亏一篑。这样的警告,并非耸人听闻。新加坡国立大学东亚研究所所长郑永年教授也曾在报刊杂志中说,东南亚周边小国对中国心存疑虑,表面上说的跟它们心里想的并不是一回事,明确的指出了中国外交在周边花的精力远远不够的事实。在美国访问频繁访问亚太地区的这场政治角逐中,朱锋教授指出“中小国家外交发生调整”,是说明它们都在利用中美两强的竞争与矛盾渔利,而美国则利用亚太中小国家的恐华心理,顺势全面介入亚太事务,扮演“大哥”的角色,构筑一个对华的“统一战线”。 正因如此,当希拉里以及奥巴马访问亚洲时,无时不刻都在强调盟友关系、地区安全以及共同的价值观。明眼人一看便知,美国人通过把中国塑造成威胁者角色,在中国的周边大收“保护费”,以安全、价值观为纽带,获得对方的市场回报。 自“天安舰”事件、中日钓鱼岛争端,以及“南海核心利益论”的冲击以来,中国跟周边国家的外交屡着考验,尤其是美国在背后推波助澜,适时对中国施压,使得我国外交压力不断上升,国周边外交也出现了危机。 那么我们要如何应对危机呢?我们该如何进一步完善我们的外交政策呢?新加坡国立大学东亚研究所教授、所长郑永年教授曾提出:确立中国外交政策的国际话语权这一解决办法,随着中国的崛起和“走出去”,和西方的摩擦甚至冲突不可避免。尽管摩擦和冲突具有物质基础,但很多冲突的发生是因为价值观的不同。而价值观层面的冲突往往又是因为双方有效沟通的缺失。对中国来说,要和国际社会沟通,就需要确立自身的外交话语,要表明自己的价值观。这种价值观的产生并非中国单方的自我认同,而应该是一种能够得到国际社会认同的价值观,因此我们所确立的“国际话语”必须是结合中国本身的经验,并在和外在世界(既包括西方世界,也包括发展中国家)的互动过程中产生的。我十分认同郑永年教授所提出的观点,毕竟随着时间的推移“和平崛起”或者“和平发展”的话语已经远远不够。虽然“和平崛起”说明中国本身“为什么和怎么样”融入世界体系。也表明了中国在国际政治舞台上愿意承担一个大国的责任的态度。但是,这个话语不能减少我国在“走出去”过程中和西方的利益发生冲突,尤其在价值观层面的矛盾。因此我认为“确立中国外交政策的国际话语权”是刻不容缓的。
《外交官》杂志为非公开订阅杂志,仅向特定对象投放。故无订阅邮编和统一代码。其投放范围为: 中国外交部各驻华使领馆外交部各驻外使领馆外国驻华各大商会及办事处各大外国驻华旅游局及各办事处各五星酒店,高档富豪俱乐部及旅行社(京 港 沪 厦 粤)各政府驻京。沪,港办事处各地方政府招商局 外事办从事外交领域学院,机构,协会,相关外贸企业人员著名时尚人士 商业人士 及高端人群。中国中央各部委 香港澳门特区政府中国14个一线城市机场贵宾室,(北京 上海 沈阳 广州 西安 成都 三亚 武汉 哈尔滨 青岛 济南 重庆 厦门 )北京及上海高铁贵宾室。中国国航,东方航空,上海航空,深圳航空,韩亚航空,美国联合航空,汉莎航空,澳洲航空,全日空,印尼鹰航,阿联酋航空,泰国航空,加拿大航空,新加坡航空,斯里兰卡航空,国泰航空等30多家国内国际航空公司头等舱贵宾室。
你可以看看这个